King Solomon could learn a thing or two from Israeli Vice Premier Haim Ramon. In an unprecedented move, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's closest ally indicated Oct. 8 that the Israeli government would be willing to support a future division of Jerusalem as part of a peace plan to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The suggestion, while technically unofficial and relatively vague, is a phenomenal step forward in Israeli policy regarding what is typically one of the most contentious issues to be resolved in peace talks for the region. Both Israeli and Palestinian leaders must make known their support for the idea of dividing the city in the interest of expediting a peace process that has lasted almost six decades too long.

Ramon's proposal would involve transferring sovereignty over many of the Arab neighborhoods in east Jerusalem, where as many as 170,000 Palestinians live, from Israel to the Palestinian territories. In return, the international community would recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital and would recognize Israel's jurisdiction over certain Jewish neighborhoods in the area. The Old City would remain under Israeli jurisdiction, but Ramon has hinted that Israel may not retain complete sovereignty there. The proposal is purposely vague, but similar suggestions only seven years ago were met with vehement disapproval. The marvel now is not just the proposal itself, though; support has come from some unlikely sources. Ramon, a close confidant of Olmert, has indicated that he believes not only his current government, but the leftist Labor Party as well, would support this concession. Even Avigdor Lieberman, the head of the right-wing Israeli party Yisrael Beiteinu, has stated his readiness to hand over Arab neighborhoods in the city. On the Palestinian side, former Palestinian prime minister Ahmed Qureia has stated that the Palestinians are prepared to turn over territory in the West Bank for equal territory in Israel.



Much has been left unanswered as of yet. If any peace settlement between Israel and the Palestinian territories is to come to fruition, the two sides will have to decide on not only the specific division of Jerusalem but also jurisdiction over the Old City and the acceptance or rejection of right of return for Palestinians, as well as other territorial and security considerations.



Already, Ramon's plan has faced heavy criticism: Lieberman has qualified his earlier statements in support of the plan, and Ramon was snubbed as the Israeli representative of upcoming talks in Annapolis, Md. Nevertheless, for a proposal such as this to have had any sort of preliminary support from government leaders in both camps is an encouraging sign. But it is only half the battle.



Israel must be willing to transfer as much of east Jerusalem, as it possibly can to Palestinian sovereignty and, furthermore, must attempt to follow the 1949 armistice lines wherever possible. For its part, any new Palestinian state must recognize the logistical impracticality of transferring the now hundreds of thousands of Israelis living in settlements in the West Bank back into Israeli territory, and should accept the possibility of making the largest settlements closest to the border Israeli, perhaps in return for heavily Palestinian Israeli territory. It must also demonstrate categorically its ability to extinguish those elements within its own borders that pose a risk to Israeli security, that is, terrorist groups.



Both sides should consider declaring Jerusalem's Old City a jointly administered territory, or else Israel should allow safe and secure access for Palestinians. Alternatively, they could even split the Old City itself.



These concessions will be hard, but they will be necessary. The constant back-and-forth, the encroachments and the bombings and retaliations need to end. The Solomonic solution-to split in two that which both sides want whole, as with two mothers and one baby-may in this case be the most desirable, most harmonious option. Sari Nusseibeh, head of Al-Quds University in Jerusalem, spoke at Brandeis last week saying that there "has to be an agreement that ends any claims to violence." Israel and the Palestinians must act, and they must act now, building off of this proposal to begin the work of peace.







The writer is a member of the Class of 2011.