Beginning on Oct. 3, a series of protests in central Hong Kong have led to police crackdowns in the semi-autonomous Chinese city. The protests were caused by the central Chinese government’s announcement on Aug. 31 that it will approve the candidates for Hong Kong’s 2017 chief executive election, which will be the first time the city democratically chooses its leader. Hong Kongers were promised “universal suffrage” in the 2017 election as part of the agreement that made Hong Kong part of China back in 1997. Protestors fear that Beijing approval of the candidates will lead to the central government having more control over Hong Kong. How should the central government respond to the protests?

Prof. Gary Jefferson (IBS)

The protest in Hong Kong represents an historic challenge for China’s president, Xi Jingping, and the Chinese Communist Party.  It could prove to be among the most helpful events since China’s opening began 35 years ago or the most damaging. Here’s what’s at stake: the future of Hong Kong, including its role as the leading Asian financial center; the willingness of the Taiwanese people to contemplate future reunion with China; the authority of China’s government; and, possibly, a tested avenue for China’s own eventual democratization and a model for student protest on the mainland. The matter of “how should (China’s) central government respond” depends on which stakeholder’s perspective one has in mind.  A Tiananmen-like resolution would be devastating.  Hopefully, Beijing and HK will engage in a dispute resolution process that enables broad public opinion in HK to support substantive compromise.  Conflict among factions within HK may weaken support for protest; the expedient approach for Beijing may be to wait and hope that steam goes out of the movement.  

Prof. Gary Jefferson (IBS) is the Carl Marks Professor of International Trade and Finance and is a specialist in the Chinese economy.

Prof. Aida Wong (FA)

An undercurrent of “quasi-ethnic” tension may be behind what we are witnessing today. An analogy might be the Han Chinese attitude toward the Manchu invaders that established the Qing Dynasty in the 17th century. The Manchus were despised for their foreign origins and “barbaric” brutality, just as the generic mainland visitor to HK is often criticized for behaving crassly (exemplified by an incident involving a mainland tourist allowing a child to urinate on an open street). Culturally, many Hong Kongers see themselves as superior to mainlanders. The feeling could be mutual. But unlike the revolutionaries who overthrew the “Manchu Tartars” in 1911, the pro-democracy fighters have no weapons, except their voices. The ideal resolution is bilateral trust. Pro-democracy protestors need to feel their future is in their own hands. Let’s hope Beijing would recognize these protestors less as enemies than civic participants who want a better society.  Both sides need to probe the problems facing the people and be resolute in solving them.

Prof. Aida Wong (FA) is an associate professor in the Fine Arts and East Asian Studies departments.

Jesse Zeng '15

I think the protest is more about identity rather than democracy. Yes, the level of democracy in mainland China is way behind Hong Kong.  But they did not enjoy much autonomy when Hong Kong was a British colony. The difference is that now Hong Kongers see thousands of Chinese immigrants and travelers come to HK, take away their resources, raise their housing price and make it harder to survive in HK whereas British rulers brought in trade and skyscrapers. They miss their unique identity and hate being associated with mainland China.  This protest is definitely a good sign, in terms of drawing attention and waking up more mainland people. But due to economics and political issues, I think the democracy in HK will continue to be eroded.  My only hope is that the erosion could be slower and the process of China democracy could be faster.

Jesse Zeng ’15 is  the Brandeis Asian American Students Association’ SKIN coordinator.

Aaron Dai '16

When the People’s Republic of China took back control of Hong Kong from Britain in 1997, Beijing promised the people of Hong Kong a “two systems, one country” method of governance. Thus, it is perfectly acceptable for the region to have a separate political system.  Given this political pretext, it is of the utmost importance that Beijing handles these protests in an even-handed manner. Certainly the central government would not want to use force to put down the unrest (Tiananmen substantially damaged China’s international image). Furthermore, the way that the Communist Party handles these protests will also have a significant impact on cross-strait relations with Taiwan. If the Chinese government wants to achieve their principal political goal of reunification with Taiwan, it must first prove that it can resolve a delicate political situation in a peaceful manner. Both HK and Beijing must make efforts to come to a compromise.

Aaron Dai ’16 is an International and Global Studies major.